Of all revolutionary leaders during the Nineteenth Century in Puerto Rico’s anti-colonial struggle Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances is of profound significance. He is among the most recognized figures in Caribbean and Latin American history.
Ramon Emeterio Betances’ convictions provided a roadmap for future generations. Dr Pedro Albizu Campos and the Nationalist Party, Arturo Alfonso Schomberg, the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, Puerto Rican Independence Party, Los Macheteros, the Young Lords, and others, came about due traditions in the national liberation struggle firmly established by him. Today, Betances is considered Father of the Puerto Rican Nation.
This legendary figure held several titles and professions, which he utilized as assets in the service of the liberation struggle. He was a poet, novelist, journalist, public health administrator, social hygienist, medical doctor, surgeon, ophthalmologist, scientist, diplomat, politician, in addition to being an abolitionist and revolutionary leader.
Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances
The son of a White-Dominican father and an Afro-Puerto Rican mother, Betances was reared in a relatively wealthy and privileged family. However, as he became of age, Betances questioned the causes for the social and economic inequalities that existed under a slave-owning colonial system.
During his formative years, the young Ramon was educated by a private tutor. When Betances was 17 years old, his father sent him to study at the School of Medicine of Montpellier in Paris, France. It was there where he finished his degree in Medicine and Surgery.
While in France, Betances was influenced by the 1848 revolutionary upheavalin Europe. This period of historical unrest is when both the Monarchy and the Roman Catholic Church were losing political control as the masses rose to rebel against them.
My portrait of Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances. 24″ X 30″, acrylic paint on canvas.
Upon his return to Puerto Rico, Betances opened his medical practice. Being a physician and humanist, he was empathetic of the human suffering he witnessed.
During the cholera epidemic of 1856, Betances defiantly clashed with colonial officials in the city of Mayaguez. He risked arrest and imprisonment because he prioritized medical care for African slaves over the colonizing white-Spanish born soldiers and officers, who were also infected by the widespread deadly disease.
Influence of the 1804 Haitian Revolution
Betances gradually evolved a contempt against foreign tyranny. He was influenced by the revolutionary storm of ideas in France but was profoundly impacted by the boldness of the Haitian Revolution.
The militant example of the Haitian people was a beacon of hope and inspiration for enslaved and colonized people throughout the Caribbean, Africa and United States – similar to the Soviet Union in the early part of its history. As a result, Betances was motivated to become active in the clandestine movement for independence and the abolition of slavery.
Haitian and Puerto Rican Flags
Haitian leaders understood quite well the necessity and benefits for oppressed people of different lands to forge unity, if they are to survive the onslaught of colonizing powers. This was a feature of the Haitian perspective that became most attractive to Betances.
In collaboration with fellow revolutionist Segundo Ruiz Belvis and others, Betances led an organizing effort to create the Revolutionary Committee, an organization devoted to the struggle for independence and the abolition of slavery by preparing for revolution. Organizing these committees was most important in areas of Puerto Rico where African slaves and other downtrodden sectors of the population were concentrated.
Monument in Lares, PR dedicated to Ramon Emeterio Betances.
Betances became the central figure in the movement which brought about the 1868 Grito De Lares, an uprising that attempted the overthrow of Spanish colonialism. El Grito De Lares is also an event that affirmed the existence of the Puerto Rican Nation.
It was with the enthusiasm of the moment as Puerto Rican revolutionaries prepared to wage armed battle with Spanish colonialism when Betances and Mariana Bracetti, a leader of the movement and a professional Stitcher, collaborated to create the first Puerto Rican flag.
The first Puerto Rican flag, symbol used at El Grito De Lares uprising.
A few weeks before the scheduled date for the Lares uprising, Betances sailed to Puerto Rico from the island of Española (Haiti and Dominican Republic) on a ship filled weapons and ammunition for the battle.
Unfortunately, the revolutionaries were betrayed by an informant in the group. As the schooner approached the Port of Arecibo with the much-needed cargo Betances and his crew found themselves surrounded by Spanish warships. After their apprehension Betances was exiled to France.
But Betances was unstoppable. Between 1869-1870, he visited Haiti with Jose A. Basora, a fellow leader of Puerto Rico’s Revolutionary Committee. The two prominent Puerto Rican figures met with Haitian revolutionary leaders in an effort to collaborate for their mutual quest.
Ramón Emeterio Betances’ mausoleum located in Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico.
In the truest internationalist spirit, despite the failure of the 1868 Grito De Lares uprising, Betances traveled throughout the Caribbean forging relations with Cuban, Haitian, Dominican and Jamaican revolutionaries. He was not deterred from playing a role to create a united federation of the Greater Antilles, a force capable of challenging the colonizing powers as the Haitian Revolution had envisioned.
Weeks before his death and shortly after the U.S. military invasion on November 16, 1898, Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances stated “I do not want to see Puerto Rico colonized by Spain nor the United States.”
De todas las figuras revolucionarias en la historia de la lucha anticolonial de Puerto Rico en el siglo XIX, la del Dr. Ramón Emeterio Betances es la de mayor significado. Es una de las figuras revolucionarias más reconocidas de la historia del Caribe y América Latina.
Las convicciones de Ramón Emeterio Betances proporcionaron una hoja de ruta para la futura generación de revolucionarios. El Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos y el Partido Nacionalista, Arturo Alfonso Schomberg, el Partido Socialista Puertorriqueño, el Partido Independentista Puertorriqueño, Los Macheteros, los Young Lords y otros más, cumplieron con las debidas tradiciones en la lucha de liberación nacional firmemente establecidas por él. Hoy Betances es considerado Padre de la Nación Puertorriqueña.
Esta figura legendaria ostentó varios títulos y profesiones, que utilizó como activos al servicio de la lucha por la liberación. Fue poeta, novelista, periodista, administrador de salud pública, higienista social, médico, cirujano, oftalmólogo, científico, diplomático, político, además de un líder abolicionista y revolucionario.
Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances
En los años de formación, el joven Ramón fue educado por un tutor privado. Cuando Betances tenía 17 años, su padre lo envió a estudiar a la Facultad de Medicina de Montpellier en París, Francia. Fue allí donde terminó la carrera de Medicina y Cirugía.
Durante su estancia en Francia, Ramon Emeterio Betances estuvo influenciado por el levantamiento revolucionario de 1948 que existía en Europa. Este período de agitación histórica donde tanto la Monarquía como la Iglesia Católica Romana estaban perdiendo control político a medida que las masas se rebelaban contra ellas.
Mi retrato del Dr. Ramón Emeterio Betances. 24″ X 30″, pintura acrílica sobre lienzo.
A su regreso a Puerto Rico, Betances abrió su práctica médica. Como médico y humanista, sentía empatía por el sufrimiento humano del que fue testigo.
Durante la epidemia de cólera de 1856, Betances se enfrentó desafiantemente con funcionarios coloniales en la ciudad de Mayagüez, arriesgándose a ser arrestado, porque priorizaba la atención médica para los esclavos africanos y los pobres sobre los soldados y oficiales colonizadores españoles, quienes también estaban infectados por la enfermedad mortal generalizada.
Influencia de la revolución haitiana de 1804
Betances desarrolló gradualmente un desprecio hacia la tiranía extranjera. Fue influenciado por la tormenta revolucionaria de ideas en Francia, pero profundamente impactado por la audacia de la Revolución Haitiana.
El ejemplo militante del pueblo haitiano fue un faro de esperanza e inspiración para los pueblos esclavizados y colonizados en todo el Caribe, África y Estados Unidos, similar a lo que ocurrió con la Unión Soviética en la primera parte de su historia. Como resultado, Betances se vio motivado a participar activamente en el movimiento clandestino por la independencia y la abolición de la esclavitud.
Banderas haitianas y puertorriqueñas.
Los líderes haitianos entendieron bastante bien la necesidad y los beneficios para los pueblos oprimidos de diferentes tierras de forjar la unidad si quieren sobrevivir al ataque de las potencias colonizadoras. Éste fue un rasgo de la perspectiva revolucionaria haitiana que resultó más atractivo para Betances.
En colaboración con su compañero revolucionario Segundo Ruiz Belvis y otros, Betances dirigió un esfuerzo organizativo para crear el Comité Revolucionario, una organización dedicada a la lucha por la independencia y la abolición de la esclavitud mediante la preparación para la revolución. La organización de estos comités fue más importante en las áreas de Puerto Rico donde se concentraban los esclavos africanos y otros sectores oprimidos de la población.
Monumento en Lares, PR dedicado a Ramón Emeterio Betances.
Betances se convirtió en la figura central del movimiento que provocó el Grito de Lares de 1868, un levantamiento que intentó derrocar el colonialismo español. El Grito De Lares también afirmó la existencia de la Nación Puertorriqueña.
Fue con el entusiasmo del momento mientras los revolucionarios puertorriqueños se preparaban para librar una batalla armada contra el colonialismo español cuando Betances y Mariana Bracetti, líder del movimiento y costurera profesional, colaboraron para crear la primera bandera puertorriqueña.
La primera bandera puertorriqueña, símbolo utilizado en el levantamiento de El Grito De Lares.
Unas semanas antes de la fecha prevista para el levantamiento de Lares, Betances zarpó hacia Puerto Rico desde la isla Española (Haití y República Dominicana) en un barco cargado de armas y municiones para la batalla.
Desafortunadamente, los revolucionarios fueron traicionados por un informante del grupo. Cuando la goleta se acercaba al puerto de Arecibo con la carga necesaria, Betances y su tripulación se encontraron rodeados por buques de guerra españoles. Tras su aprehensión, Betances fue exiliado a Francia.
Pero Betances era imparable. Entre 1869 y 1870, Betances visitó Haití con José A. Basora, otro líder del Comité Revolucionario de Puerto Rico. Las dos prominentes figuras puertorriqueñas se reunieron con líderes revolucionarios haitianos en un esfuerzo por colaborar en su búsqueda mutua.
Mausoleo de Ramón Emeterio Betances ubicado en Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico.
Con el más auténtico espíritu internacionalista, a pesar del fracaso del levantamiento del Grito de Lares de 1868, Betances viajó por todo el Caribe forjando relaciones con revolucionarios cubanos, haitianos, dominicanos y jamaiquinos. Se vio disuadido de desempeñar un papel en la creación de una federación unida de las Antillas Mayores, una fuerza capaz de desafiar a las potencias colonizadoras como lo había previsto la Revolución haitiana.
Semanas antes de su muerte y poco después de la invasión militar estadounidense el 16 de noviembre de 1898, el Dr. Ramón Emeterio Betances afirmó “No quiero ver a Puerto Rico colonizado por España ni por Estados Unidos”.
Below is a worth reading essay written by New Era Young Lords (NEYL) leader Suby Torro on key aspects of Puerto Rican history which the white supremacist enemies of Critical Race Theory would prefer us not learn. I applaud the efforts of anyone who aims to challenge oppression by passionately confronting what has become in this society the consequence of intellectual theft. We must have a disposition throughout our lives of wanting to learn traditions of resistance that ultimately lead to a decisive struggle for national liberation.
Carlos “Carlito” Rovira
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A Case of Historical Amnesia
By Suby Toro
Colonialism has a long and complex history, and its impact on the lives of colonized peoples is often profound and enduring. But as the Puerto Rican scholar, Arturo Alfonso Schomburg, once said, ‘There is a curious thing about history. It is the struggle for truth against historical amnesia. Historical amnesia is the process by which history is forgotten, distorted, or manipulated for political purposes. Historical amnesia is particularly relevant to the experiences of Puerto Rico and Palestine, two countries that have been subjected to prolonged periods of colonial domination and exploitation. In both cases, the histories of these countries have been obscured and manipulated by colonial powers, leading to a kind of historical amnesia that has had far-reaching consequences for their development and identity.
Colonialism has had a profound impact on both Puerto Rico and Palestine, with the colonial powers seeking to impose their own cultures and identities on the indigenous populations and causing significant population displacement. In both cases, resistance movements have emerged to challenge the colonial powers, with the Puerto Rican independence movement and the Palestinian liberation movement fighting for self-determination and independence.
The specific experiences of Puerto Rico and Palestine differ in some ways, with Puerto Rico having been a Spanish colony for over 400 years before being ceded to the United States, while Palestine has been occupied and controlled by various foreign powers for centuries, most recently by Israel since 1948.
In 1948, Palestinians were pushed into “refugee camps” in their own country by the Zionist Israeli government.
Despite these differences, the two countries share a common experience of colonialism and resistance, and the ongoing struggles for self-determination in both Puerto Rico and Palestine have garnered international attention and support. Puerto Rico and Palestine have much in common, and the struggles for self-determination in both countries have resonated with people around the world. From the resistance movements to the suppression of national identity and cultural heritage, these countries have both faced significant challenges and obstacles as they strive for independence and recognition.
U.S. troops marching through San Juan, P.R. during the 1898 invasion.
In both countries, the colonial powers have used military force to maintain their control and suppress resistance movements. In Puerto Rico, the U.S. military has maintained a presence on the island for over a century and has been involved in various military actions to maintain its control. Similarly, in Palestine, the Israeli military has been involved in numerous military operations and incursions into Palestinian territory, often resulting in civilian casualties and displacement. Despite the differences in the specific context and tactics used by the colonial powers, the use of military force has been a common feature of the colonial experience in both Puerto Rico and Palestine and has had a lasting impact on the lives of the people in these countries.
The colonial experience in Puerto Rico and Palestine has been marked by violent incidents and massacres that have taken a heavy toll on the people in both countries. From the Ponce Massacre in Puerto Rico, in which the U.S. military opened fire on peaceful protesters, to the al-Tira massacre in Palestine, in which Jewish militants killed several dozen Palestinians, and the Jayuya Uprising in Puerto Rico, in which Puerto Rican nationalists clashed with the U.S. government, these incidents highlight the brutal and violent nature of colonialism, and the lasting impact it has had on the people of these countries.
The consequences of these violent incidents have been far-reaching and long-lasting. They have contributed to a deep mistrust and resentment towards the colonial powers in both Puerto Rico and Palestine and have fueled ongoing resistance movements. They have also had a lasting impact on the people who have experienced them firsthand, whether as victims or witnesses, and have left scars on the collective memory and identity of these countries. Despite the passage of time, these incidents continue to shape the political and social landscape of Puerto Rico and Palestine and are an important part of their colonial histories.
The violent incidents of the colonial experience in Puerto Rico and Palestine have had a lasting impact on the political landscape of both countries, contributing to the growth and development of resistance movements and political ideologies. In Puerto Rico, the Ponce Massacre and the Jayuya Uprising were important moments in the growth of the Puerto Rican independence movement, and they helped to shape the movement’s political and ideological orientation. Over time, different factions within the movement have emerged, each with its own strategy for achieving independence. In Palestine, the experience of violence and repression under Israeli occupation has fueled the growth of the Palestinian liberation movement, with different factions advocating for different approaches to achieving their goals, ranging from armed struggle to nonviolent resistance. The resistance movements in Puerto Rico and Palestine have had a profound and lasting impact on their people, fostering a strong sense of national identity and cultural pride, and providing a beacon of hope and resilience in the face of adversity. These movements have helped to preserve and celebrate their countries’ rich cultural heritage and have provided a sense of unity and solidarity among their people, ensuring that their stories and experiences are not forgotten.
While the United States’ relationship with Puerto Rico may not be as overtly violent as Israel’s relationship with Palestine today, it is still characterized by a power imbalance and a legacy of colonialism. The United States has historically exerted significant economic and political influence over Puerto Rico, shaping its economic and political landscape in ways that continue to impact the island today. While the U.S. government may not be resorting to the same levels of violence as Israel does in Palestine, the subtle and systemic forms of domination and control it exerts over Puerto Rico are no less harmful. This includes ongoing economic exploitation, the imposition of colonial policies that prioritize the interests of the United States over those of Puerto Rico, and the denial of full political rights and representation to Puerto Ricans.
One example of economic exploitation in Puerto Rico is the Jones Act, a U.S. law that requires all goods shipped to the island to be transported on U.S.-flagged vessels. This has severely limited Puerto Rico’s ability to compete in the global marketplace and has driven up the cost of goods on the island. In addition, the U.S. government has imposed austerity measures on Puerto Rico in recent years, resulting in deep cuts to social programs and public services, which have had a devastating impact on the island’s most vulnerable populations.
These policies have contributed to Puerto Rico’s ongoing economic crisis and have exacerbated the island’s already high levels of poverty and inequality, leading to widespread discontent and protest among the people of Puerto Rico. While the specific contexts and histories of Puerto Rico and Palestine may differ, there are some striking similarities in the ways that both countries have been impacted by colonial powers. In Palestine, economic exploitation and political control have been key elements of Israel’s occupation, contributing to widespread poverty and inequality in the Palestinian territories.
Just as the Jones Act has hindered Puerto Rico’s economic development, Israel’s policies have restricted Palestinian trade and economic growth, limiting the Palestinian economy’s ability to thrive. Similarly, the austerity measures imposed by the U.S. government in Puerto Rico have been mirrored by Israel’s ongoing blockade of Gaza, which has had a devastating impact on the livelihoods of Palestinians living in the territory.
As we continue to explore the parallels between Puerto Rico and Palestine, it is important to consider the ways in which their experiences of colonialism have shaped their political and social realities. The next section of this article will examine the impact of colonialism on the political systems and institutions in both countries, and the resistance movements that have emerged to challenge these structures.
In Puerto Rico, the island’s political status as a U.S. territory has left it in a state of limbo, with its residents unable to fully participate in the U.S. political system. While Puerto Ricans are U.S. citizens, they are not represented in Congress and cannot vote in presidential elections, leaving them with little say in the policies that affect their daily lives. In Palestine, the Israeli occupation has severely curtailed Palestinian self-determination and sovereignty. The Israeli government controls most aspects of Palestinian life, including the movement of people and goods, the allocation of resources, and the administration of justice. This has led to a sense of frustration and alienation among Palestinians, who feel that their rights are being violated and their needs are not being met.
The unique political circumstances of Puerto Rico and Palestine have left their residents in a precarious position, where they lack full representation and self-determination. In Puerto Rico, the island’s status as a U.S. territory has led to limited political participation for its citizens, while in Palestine, the Israeli occupation has severely restricted the Palestinian people’s ability to control their own destiny. Both situations have resulted in a sense of disenfranchisement and frustration, as the people of these countries struggle to have their voices heard and their needs met.
In Palestine, the Palestinian liberation movement has emerged as a response to the Israeli occupation and the ongoing denial of Palestinian rights. This movement has sought to resist Israeli control and assert Palestinian self-determination, using a range of strategies and approaches that reflect the unique history and culture of Palestine. The Puerto Rico independence movement has emerged in response to the island’s status as a U.S. territory and the resulting lack of full political representation for its citizens. This movement has sought to challenge U.S. control and assert Puerto Rican sovereignty, using strategies and approaches that draw on the island’s rich history and culture.
In Palestine, the Palestinian liberation movement has relied on a range of strategies, including nonviolent protests, grassroots organizing, and political advocacy. These approaches have helped to build international support for the Palestinian cause, and have helped to draw attention to the ongoing injustices faced by the Palestinian people. In Puerto Rico, the independence movement has also used a variety of strategies, including protests, civil disobedience, and political activism. These approaches have helped to build support for Puerto Rican sovereignty and have challenged the U.S. government’s narrative of Puerto Rico as a contented and loyal territory. Both movements have also sought to build solidarity with other resistance movements around the world, recognizing the shared challenges and struggles faced by oppressed peoples.
These resistance movements have had a significant impact on the political and social landscapes of their respective countries. They have helped to shift public discourse, challenge dominant narratives, and build support for their causes. In some cases, they have also contributed to concrete changes in policy and practice, such as the release of political prisoners or the provision of basic services. However, the road to justice and self-determination has been long and difficult, and both the Palestinian and Puerto Rican people continue to face significant challenges and obstacles. Nevertheless, their resistance movements have provided a powerful example of the capacity of oppressed peoples to organize, resist, and advocate for their rights, even in the face of overwhelming odds.
Unfortunately, the media often focuses on the negative aspects of resistance movements, emphasizing acts of violence or extremism and ignoring the peaceful and constructive work that many of these movements do. This can lead to a distorted understanding of the goals and methods of resistance movements and can make it more difficult for them to gain public support and legitimacy. This tendency is particularly damaging when it comes to resistance movements that are challenging the status quo and advocating for radical change, as they are often painted as dangerous or subversive. This can be a tactic used by those in power to discredit and delegitimize these movements, and to maintain the status quo.
It is important to recognize the role that media bias and misinformation can play in shaping public perceptions of resistance movements, and to seek out alternative sources of information that provide a more balanced and nuanced understanding of their goals and strategies. Resistance movements have the power to challenge dominant narratives and offer alternative visions of the future, but their impact is often overlooked or forgotten due to historical amnesia. This phenomenon, in which the struggles and achievements of marginalized groups are erased or minimized in dominant historical narratives, can contribute to a lack of understanding and appreciation of the role that resistance movements have played in shaping the world we live in today.
By recognizing the impact of historical amnesia and seeking out more complete and nuanced understandings of the past, we can gain a deeper appreciation of the complex and multifaceted nature of political struggle, and the ways in which resistance movements have challenged injustice and created a better world.
In the early 20th century, a diverse group of activists in Puerto Rico emerged to challenge the island’s colonial status under U.S. control. Led by nationalists, socialists, and feminists, the independence movement used a variety of tactics, including protests, civil disobedience, and political organizing, to raise awareness about Puerto Rico’s lack of sovereignty and advocate for self-determination. Despite facing significant challenges, these activists were able to build a strong and sustained movement that brought attention to the island’s colonial status and helped to shift public opinion. However, their accomplishments have often been overlooked in dominant historical narratives, which have tended to focus on Puerto Rico’s economic and political relationship with the United States, rather than the struggles of its people for self-determination.
Similarly, in Palestine, a resistance movement has emerged to challenge Israeli occupation and advocate for Palestinian rights. This movement has used a variety of tactics, including nonviolent protests, grassroots organizing, and political advocacy, to resist the Israeli government’s control and assert Palestinian self-determination. The Palestinian liberation movement has built a strong and sustained movement that has garnered international support and helped to bring attention to the ongoing injustices faced by the Palestinian people. However, their accomplishments have also been overlooked in dominant historical narratives, which have tended to focus on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a military conflict, rather than a struggle for justice and self-determination.
The tendency to emphasize militant or extremist organizations while minimizing the achievements of nonviolent resistance movements is not unique to Palestine. The same phenomenon has been observed in Puerto Rico, where the independence movement has often been portrayed as violent or extremist, despite its largely peaceful and nonviolent nature.
Media coverage not only misrepresents the true nature of resistance movements in both countries, but it also reinforces harmful stereotypes and misconceptions about the people who are involved in them. It is important to recognize the ways in which media bias and misinformation can shape public perceptions of resistance movements, and to seek out more balanced and nuanced coverage that acknowledges the diversity of perspectives and approaches within these movements. Addressing media bias and misinformation requires a multifaceted approach that involves not only journalists and media organizations, but also the general public. One key solution is to increase media literacy and critical thinking skills, so that people are better equipped to identify and evaluate bias in news coverage. Another solution is to support independent and alternative media outlets that provide more nuanced and balanced coverage of resistance movements and other political issues.
At an individual level, people can also get involved by promoting responsible media practices, such as seeking out multiple perspectives, avoiding sensationalism, and amplifying marginalized voices. Additionally, people can support media organizations and journalists who are committed to ethical and accurate reporting and hold those who fall short of these standards accountable. By working together to promote responsible media coverage, we can help to ensure that the stories of resistance movements are told accurately and fairly.
Despite the challenges that resistance movements in Puerto Rico and Palestine have faced, they have been resilient in their efforts to preserve their cultural heritage and promote their languages, symbols, and traditions. In Puerto Rico, activists have worked to promote the use of Spanish, the island’s spoken language, and to preserve the island’s unique cultural traditions, such as the bomba and plena music styles, which were born out of the island’s African heritage.
In Palestine, activists have sought to reclaim and celebrate Palestinian cultural symbols, such as the keffiyeh, which has become a symbol of resistance and Palestinian identity. They have also worked to preserve Palestinian traditional foods, music, and art, as well as the Arabic language, which is an important part of Palestinian cultural heritage.
The cultural similarities and influences that exist between Puerto Rico and Palestine are not limited to their shared experiences of colonial oppression. In fact, the histories of both countries are deeply intertwined with the history of Arab and Moorish influence in southern Europe and the Mediterranean region.
The Moors, who were an Arab-Berber Muslim people, ruled over large parts of southern Europe and North Africa for centuries, and their influence can be seen in the architecture, language, and culture of many countries in the region, including Spain and Puerto Rico.
For example, the Spanish language has many words and expressions that are derived from Arabic, including words for common foods, such as “arroz” (rice) and “azúcar” (sugar), as well as many common phrases and idioms. Similarly, the architecture of Puerto Rico, with its iconic fortresses and palaces, reflects the Moorish influence that was brought to the island by the Spanish conquerors. While the Moorish influence is more pronounced in Puerto Rico due to its history as a Spanish colony, there are still cultural similarities between Puerto Rico and Palestine that can be traced back to their shared Arab and Mediterranean heritage.
Both Puerto Rican and Palestinian cuisine, for example, feature dishes that are centered around rice, vegetables, and spices like cumin and paprika. Similarly, both cultures have a rich tradition of folk music and dance, with Puerto Rican Bomba and Plena and Palestinian Dabke sharing a common emphasis on rhythmic drumming and synchronized group movements. These cultural similarities speak to the deep and complex connections that exist between different countries and cultures, and how they can persist even across great distances and despite differences in historical experience.
While the experiences of Puerto Rico and Palestine have diverged due to their different colonial histories, they are united by their shared experiences of oppression and resistance. Both countries have faced the effects of colonization and foreign domination, and their citizens have resisted these forces through a variety of means, from political organizing and protest to cultural preservation and expression.
Despite the differences in their specific circumstances, the struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine for self-determination and autonomy are linked by a common thread of resistance to oppression and a desire for justice and freedom. By recognizing these similarities, we can gain a deeper understanding of the complex and interconnected nature of struggles for liberation around the world. Both Puerto Rico and Palestine, the flag have been a potent symbol of resistance against colonial domination. However, the right to display and fly these flags has been contested and suppressed by the dominant powers in each country.
In Palestine, Israeli authorities have attempted to ban the display of Palestinian flags in public spaces, viewing them as a threat to Israel’s security and sovereignty. This suppression has been met with fierce resistance from Palestinian activists and citizens, who view the flag as a symbol of their national identity and a tool for asserting their rights. Similarly, in Puerto Rico, the US government has attempted to suppress the use of the Puerto Rican flag through a series of laws and regulations. These include the infamous ‘gag law,’ which made it illegal to display the Puerto Rican flag or express support for independence from the US.
Colonial occupation is a reality shared by Palestinians and Puerto Ricans.
Despite these attempts at suppression, the flags of Puerto Rico and Palestine continue to be a powerful symbol of resistance for their respective people. Activists in both countries have fought back against attempts to ban or restrict the display of their flags, viewing these efforts as a violation of their right to freedom of expression and a form of political repression. The struggle for the right to display these flags is not just about a piece of cloth or a national symbol, but also about the larger issues of self-determination and sovereignty that are at stake in both Puerto Rico and Palestine. By defending their right to display and fly their flags, the people of these countries are asserting their right to determine their own futures and to resist attempts at domination and oppression.
As readers, we have a responsibility to understand and support the struggles of the people of Puerto Rico and Palestine for self-determination and sovereignty. The suppression of their flags is not just a symbolic issue, but a concrete manifestation of the ongoing attempts to deny them their rights and dignity. By standing in solidarity with the people of Puerto Rico and Palestine, we can help to challenge the dominant narratives that seek to erase or minimize their struggles, and to build a more just and equitable world. As allies, we must listen to and amplify the voices of these communities, and work to dismantle the systems of oppression that seek to silence them. In doing so, we can help to create a world where all people have the right to determine their own futures, and where symbols of national pride and identity are not suppressed or stigmatized but celebrated and cherished.
The struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine are not isolated incidents, but part of a larger global movement for justice and self-determination. From indigenous peoples fighting for the rights to their lands and cultures, to communities struggling against economic exploitation and environmental degradation, the struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine are part of a larger struggle for a more just and equitable world. By learning from and supporting these struggles, we can gain a greater understanding of the interconnected nature of global injustice, and the ways in which different forms of oppression and exploitation are linked.
Moreover, the struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine can serve as an inspiration and model for other oppressed communities around the world, showing that resistance and resilience are possible in the face of overwhelming odds. By learning from the experiences of these communities, we can build a more effective and united movement for justice and self-determination around the world. Of course, this is all assuming that we can remember our history in the first place. Unfortunately, it seems that many of us suffer from a severe case of historical amnesia, where we conveniently forget about the struggles and sacrifices of past generations. But don’t worry, we’ll be sure to remember all the important stuff, like the name of the latest celebrity scandal or the score of the big game. Priorities, right?
One way to combat historical amnesia is through education and media. By learning about the history and struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine, and by consuming media that promotes a more accurate and balanced understanding of these issues, we can help to challenge dominant narratives and stereotypes. This means seeking out sources that are independent and unbiased, and that reflect the diversity of perspectives and experiences within these communities. It also means engaging critically with the media we consume, and questioning the assumptions and biases that may be baked into it. By doing so, we can help to create a more informed and engaged public, and to challenge the idea that these struggles are somehow irrelevant or insignificant. And who knows, maybe we’ll even remember some of this stuff the next time we’re asked to name the latest TikTok star.
Building alliances and coalitions across different communities and movements is also crucial in promoting understanding and support for the struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine. By working together with other groups and organizations that share similar goals and values, activists and advocates can amplify their message and create a more powerful and effective movement.
This might involve collaborating with groups that are working on similar issues in other parts of the world, or with movements that are focused on broader issues of social justice and human rights. Through these alliances and coalitions, activists and advocates can create a more comprehensive and intersectional approach to promoting justice and equity and can help to break down the barriers that have historically divided different communities and movements.
Many organizations have been doing vital work to support and advocate for Puerto Rican and Palestinian communities in the United States, and it is important to recognize and support their efforts. One such organization is the Young Lords, a Puerto Rican organization in the Diaspora that has been working to support Puerto Ricans both in the United States and on the island through projects such as Back to Borikén. Another organization doing important work is Danza Fiesta, a New York-based Puerto Rican folkloric dance theater company. In the Palestinian community, the Palestinian American Community Center (PACC) and Al-Shabaka: The Palestinian Policy Network have been providing essential services and advocating for Palestinian rights and self-determination. The work of organizations like the Young Lords, Danza Fiesta, PACC, and Al-Shabaka is not only essential in promoting the rights and interests of their respective communities, but also in building solidarity and alliances across different movements and communities.
By working together and sharing resources and strategies, these organizations are able to create a stronger and more unified front against injustice and oppression. This type of cross-movement solidarity is critical in promoting positive change and serves as a powerful example of how communities can come together to support one another and create a more just and equitable society. The Young Lords, for example, have been consistently visiting Puerto Rico every 6 to 8 months, demonstrating their commitment to building a sustained and long-term connection between the diaspora and the homeland. Through these visits, the Young Lords have been able to engage with the local community, build relationships, and gain a deeper understanding of the issues facing Puerto Ricans on the island. The work of organizations such as the Young Lords, who have been consistently visiting Puerto Rico and engaging with the local community, demonstrates the importance of sustained effort and long-term commitment in building bridges across communities.
In addition, other organizations have been using cultural exchange programs and community-building initiatives to foster connections and understanding between different communities, helping to build a more comprehensive and cohesive movement for justice and self-determination. Similarly, Palestinian organizations have been engaging in cross-community collaboration and solidarity-building efforts. For example, the Palestinian American Community Center (PACC) has been hosting cultural exchange programs and educational events that bring together Palestinians and non-Palestinians to learn about each other’s cultures and experiences. These initiatives serve as a powerful example of how different communities can come together to support one another and work towards a common goal of justice and self-determination.
Surveillance and repression by government agencies have been a persistent challenge for both Puerto Rican and Palestinian organizations in the United States. The Young Lords, for example, were subjected to intense surveillance and repression by the FBI during their heyday in the 1960s and 1970s, while Palestinian organizations in the U.S. have been targeted by government agencies for their advocacy on behalf of Palestinian rights and self-determination.
Despite these obstacles, both communities have continued to work tirelessly to achieve their goals, demonstrating the power of cross-community solidarity and the importance of working together to overcome shared challenges. The work of Puerto Rican and Palestinian organizations in the United States is not only important for the communities they serve, but also for the broader movements for justice and equality around the world.
These communities have faced decades of colonization, displacement, and repression, and their struggles are interconnected with those of other marginalized communities around the globe. By working together and sharing strategies and resources, they are able to build a stronger and more unified front against oppression and injustice. The example set by these organizations serves as a powerful reminder of the importance of solidarity and collaboration in the struggle for a more just and equitable future.
As individuals, there are many ways we can support the work of organizations like the Young Lords and PACC. We can attend their events and workshops, volunteer our time and skills, or donate to support their efforts. Additionally, we can stay informed about these issues by reading and sharing news articles, participating in online discussions, and talking with friends and family about the struggles of Puerto Rican and Palestinian communities. By taking these small steps, we can make a significant impact and contribute to the larger movements for justice and equality.
In addition to the political and organizational efforts, both Puerto Rican and Palestinian communities have a rich cultural heritage that has played a central role in their struggles for self-determination. From the murals and graffiti of the Young Lords to the poetry and music of Palestinian artists, art and cultural expression have been used as powerful tools of resistance and as a means of preserving community identity and history. These cultural expressions are often intertwined with the work of organizations like the Young Lords and PACC, serving as a means of inspiring and empowering the communities they serve.
One notable example of the intersection between art and social justice in the Puerto Rican community is the work of poet Pedro Pietri. Pietri was a founding member of the Nuyorican Poets Cafe, a cultural center that has served as a hub for Puerto Rican artists and activists in New York City. Through his poetry, Pietri challenged dominant narratives and stereotypes about Puerto Ricans, and used his platform to give voice to the struggles and experiences of his community. His work served as an inspiration for a generation of Puerto Rican artists and activists and continues to be influential today.
Sliman Mansour is a renowned Palestinian artist and activist who has used his work to challenge dominant narratives and give voice to the Palestinian experience. Like Pedro Pietri, Mansour’s work has inspired his community and served as a powerful example of how art can be used as a tool for resistance. For the Palestinian people, Mansour’s work holds special significance, as it reflects their struggles and aspirations for freedom and self-determination.
Both Pietri and Mansour’s work demonstrates the universal power of art to inspire and mobilize communities in the struggle for social justice and highlights the shared experiences of marginalized communities around the world. Artists like Pietri and Mansour remind us of the power of art and culture to shape our understanding of social justice issues, and to inspire and mobilize communities in the struggle for a more just and equitable world.
Their work serves as a testament to the importance of amplifying marginalized voices and perspectives and highlights the importance of cross-community solidarity and collaboration in the struggle for social justice. As we’ve seen, the struggles and experiences of the Puerto Rican and Palestinian communities are deeply interconnected, despite what some might call “historical amnesia” (but let’s not dwell on that — we’re all about moving forward here). By coming together, sharing resources, and amplifying one another’s voices, these communities have shown that solidarity and collaboration are powerful tools in the fight for social justice. And who knows — maybe they’ll inspire others to follow suit. Because, as they say, two heads (or communities) are better than one!
PS: To the Puerto Rican community — let’s keep waking up and recognizing the connections between our struggles and those of our brothers and sisters around the world. By doing so, we can build a stronger, more united movement for justice and equality.” Free Palestine Free, Puerto Rico.
In the center of the East Harlem community, also known as El Barrio, is the site of historic significance that is described by many as The People’s Church. Located at 163 East 111th Street, co-named “Young Lords Way”, on the corner of Lexington Avenue, this monumental structure is administered by the First Spanish United Methodist Church (FSUMC).
For many decades, dating back to the time of socialist Vito Marcantonio, during the 1940’s-50’s, the People’s Church stood in the midst of one of the most impoverished and repressed part of New York City. It was in that setting where this church became a symbol of the Puerto Rican diaspora’s struggles, especially after the rise of the revolutionary youth group the Young Lords.
Young Lords Way adjacent to the location of the People’s Church.
For an atheist, non-religious believer like myself, desire to keep The People’s Church open and accessible to the community makes a political statement and a direct challenge to the racist displacement inflicted against our people everywhere in this country.
Memories of events at the People’s Church in connection with the Young Lords also have sentimental/personal value to me.
It was at the People’s Church where I transcended from a boy to a man; it was there where I learned the necessity of having a fighting disposition in the liberation struggle; it was from that experience where I learned from others the virtues of teamwork, responsibility and organization.
In addition, it was at the People’s Church on December 7, 1969, at 15 years old, where I was beaten by NYPD cops, along with thirteen other Young Lords, including five women. The violent frenzy of the police on that day was encouraged by parishioners when Young Lords came to a Sunday mass service asking permission to use the space for a free breakfast program for poor children of the neighborhood.
December 28, 1969, Young Lords being arrested after their nine days siege of the People’s Church.
Since the period of intensity at the People’s Church nearly six decades ago, FSUMC representatives like Pastor Dorlimar Lebron Malave, have attempted to make amends to the community and history. Unlike church officials in the past who sided with the most backward concepts of political reaction the Reverand Dolimar Lebron Malave has introduced a positive message with progressive programs consistent with the beliefs of the Young Lords.
In recent years, various programs were established benefiting this poor, working class community, such as food pantry distributions, acupuncture treatment, exercise classes, educational film showings, and so much more. These programs are consistent with all that the Young Lords had hoped to create for the community at this small and intimate place of gathering.
A child enjoying her meal at the Young Lords Free Breakfast Program.
But now, an unfortunate circumstance has developed, due to capitalism’s unavoidable economic crisis. The people of this community may lose this oasis amid poverty and despair, due to lack of funds. The People’s Church may have to close its doors for good if it does not raise $150,000 by January 2024.
What will follow, who knows?! One does not need to be imaginative to figure out the lust of greedy developers who anxiously look for opportunities to build condominiums for the wealthy. Losing this bastion of history shall be a victory for the worst kind of gentrification while undoubtedly being a tragedy for the Black and Brown residents of this community.
Please take part in saving the People’s Church! Be part of this important and noble endeavor, by calling the People’s Church at 212-289-5690 or GoFundMe, PayPal and more: http://tr.ee/5CWwqoG25w
Sylvia Rivera was a Puerto Rican transgendered woman who became a significant historic figure in the struggle against LGBTQ+ oppression. Along with her closest friend and trusted ally, Marsha P. Johnson, an African American also a transgendered woman, they both became the principal leaders of the June 28, 1969, Stonewall Uprising in New York City’s Greenwich Village.
This critical moment in U.S. history sparked a momentum that shattered many anti-gay taboos. LGBTQ+ people in the United States and the world benefited years later from the political shockwaves caused by this struggle.
The racist and homophobic New York Police Department (NYPD) stormed into the Stonewall Inn with the intent to brutalize members of the LGBTQ community. But unexpectedly, the would-be victims fought back. What began at Stonewall spilled onto the streets and for several nights the LGBTQ+ community clashed with riot police in lower Manhattan.
Sylvia Rivera and Martha P. Johnso
The Stonewall Uprising occurred in the setting of a mass upsurge in this country during the 1960’s-1970’s, in which civil rights and the movement against the war in Vietnam were at the center of discussion. As Black and Brown women revolted against centuries-long racist and patriarchal practices, while the Vietnam War compelled the youth to resist deployment to the battlefield, Stonewall placed LGBTQ+ oppression on the map of resistance.
As a result of their courageous stance, Sylvia Rivera, Marsha P. Johnson, and many others were able to successfully place LGBTQ+ oppression in the context of reactionary “norms” of capitalist society.
Despite arguments made by far-right bourgeois circles, Evangelicals and other religious denominations, LGBTQ+ people have been an integral part of human social development since the beginning of recorded history.
The plight of LGBTQ+ people came about many centuries ago with the rise of social class society. Organized religion has served as capitalism’s most reliable ideological bulwark. The same institution that was used to defend the system of African chattel slavery is now spearheading the persecution of LGBTQ+ people.
Street named in Sylia Rivera’s honor, Greenwich Village, New York City.
Like many in the LGBTQ+ community, alienation and abuse began at a very early age. The suffering Sylvia Rivera experienced throughout her life reflects the persecution LGBTQ+ endure – specifically transgender people.
Sylvia’s resistance to gender oppression began as a child. At 10 years old, Sylvia was abandoned by her father and forced to live on the streets of New York City where she was exposed to continued abuse and drug use. Thanks to Martha P. Johnson and others in the LGBTQ+ community Sylvia was able to survive many hardships and move on with her life.
Months after the Stonewall Uprising, Sylvia began exploring the links between her personal experiences and different forms of oppression affecting millions of people. Sylvia soon realized the need to forge unity among the various people’s struggles for emancipation.
Sylvia was adamantly anti-racist and became openly critical about the LGBTQ+ movement being hijacked by privileged white gay men. She was also critically vocal about the anti-Trans attitudes that exist in the LGBTQ+ community itself.
A painting I did of Sylvia Rivera. 24″ X 30″, acrylic on canvas.
On August 15, 1970, Black Panther Party leader Huey P. Newton added to the storm of political enlightenment, with his statement of solidarity for the Gay and Women’s movements. Newton stated: “The gay liberation front and the women’s front are our friends, they are our potential allies, and we need as many allies as possible”.
Newton’s statement triggered measurable controversy within the Black Panther Party itself and many so-called “progressive” groups. Moreover, it also left a critical impact on the Young Lords’s disposition towards LGBTQ+. Young Lords Gay & Lesbian members who were still in the closet found a sense of freedom to caucus.
Along with other members of the Young Lords Party, I had the pleasure and honor to serve as bodyguard security on Sylvia Rivera. Our task was to protect her during a period when she became the target of death threats. Sylvia’s outspokenness was viewed with contempt by the hierarchy of organized religion, police officials and random figures among the traditional right wing.
Despite the fake atoning overtures made by government officials years later, the militant stance Black and Brown transgendered people displayed on June 28, 1969, has never been forgiven nor forgotten by NYPD’s top brass. Blatant discrimination, violence, and homelessness continue to be the reality for this demographic, especially transgendered children.
Site of the Stonewall Inn, 53 Christopher Street, New York City.
Sylvia supported the Young Lords Party wholeheartedly, not only as a fellow Puerto Rican herself, but because she was observant of the humanity and respect YLP members displayed towards her and LGBTQ+ in general.
During one of her many interviews when asked what she felt about the Young Lords, Sylvia said: “Any time they needed any help, I was always there for the Young Lords. It was just the respect they gave us as human beings. They gave us a lot of respect.”
Sylvia Rivera indisputably embodies the title of Revolutionary. Thanks to her leadership and militant defiance to oppression another link was made to the long chain of resistance. It is warriors of this caliber, like Sylvia Rivera and Marsha P Johnson, that will guarantee the contributions and role LGBTQ+ will play in the rise of a new revolutionary mass movement in this country.
La lucha histórica del pueblo afroamericano fue la consecuencia inevitable de la introducción de la esclavitud por parte de los capitalistas en el hemisferio occidental. La experiencia colectiva del pueblo afroamericano a lo largo de muchas generaciones fue paralela al desarrollo del capitalismo estadounidense en cada etapa. Su difícil situación, desde la era de la trata de esclavos hasta la actualidad, revela la opresión inherente dentro del capitalismo.
El terror racista, la degradación y la discriminación fueron las circunstancias objetivas que impulsaron la existencia de la tradición militante de resistencia en las masas afroamericanas. Su firmeza en muchos momentos clave de la historia resultó ejemplar para el movimiento de la clase trabajadora estadounidense y, en particular, para otras nacionalidades oprimidas. La historia afroamericana está repleta de demostraciones de solidaridad genuina con otras luchas de liberación.
La Guerra Hispanoamericana tuvo un impacto significativo en los afroamericanos, especialmente en los soldados negros que fueron enviados a librar una guerra colonial en nombre del imperialismo estadounidense. Las tropas negras estaban resentidas porque sus oficiales blancos usaban insultos raciales contra los filipinos, que recordaban su propia experiencia en los Estados Unidos. Muchos soldados negros desertaron para unirse al ejército guerrillero filipino anticolonial. El más notable de ellos fue David Fagan, de la 24ª División de Infantería. Fagan se ganó la admiración y el respeto del pueblo filipino y fue nombrado comandante de su ejército guerrillero.
Soldados negros obligados a luchar en la Guerra Hispanoamericana de 1898.
La prensa negra, la Iglesia negra y figuras afroamericanas francas como W.E.B. DuBois, condenaron abiertamente los motivos detrás de la Guerra Hispanoamericana de 1898. El gobierno de los EE. UU., y las gigantescas empresas bancarias buscaron un conflicto militar con España para obtener el control colonial de Guam, Filipinas, Cuba y Puerto Rico.
El erudito puertorriqueño negro Arturo Alfonso Schomburg dedicó toda su vida a compilar vastas colecciones de escritos que documentan eventos significativos en la historia negra. Antes de mudarse a la comunidad de Harlem en la ciudad de Nueva York, Schomburg fue miembro de los Comités Revolucionarios clandestinos de Puerto Rico, que organizaron el famoso levantamiento Grito de Lares de 1868, una revuelta que pedía la abolición de la esclavitud y la independencia de Puerto Rico. Schomburg eventualmente se convirtió en una figura prominente durante el Renacimiento de Harlem, que desafió las facetas ideológicas de la supremacía blanca a través de las artes literarias, visuales y escénicas.
el legendario Arturo Alfonso Schomburg
En muchas de sus actuaciones, el renombrado cantante, actor y comunista afroamericano Paul Robeson pedía a su audiencia un momento de silencio para expresar su solidaridad con el líder nacionalista revolucionario puertorriqueño encarcelado, el Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos.
El joven Pedro Albizu Campos ganó reconocimiento entre las figuras afroamericanas por ser muy crítico con el racismo dentro de los Estados Unidos. La madre de Campos era negra, lo que le dio una idea de primera mano del impacto de la opresión racista. La franca oratoria de Campos contra las “prácticas racistas en la casa del imperio” llamó la atención del líder panafricanista Marcus Garvey, quien viajó a Puerto Rico para reunirse con el reconocido líder.
A pesar de sus diferencias en objetivos y tácticas, este encuentro fue muy simbólico para ese período de la historia. La Revolución Rusa animó las luchas de los trabajadores y los movimientos nacionalistas en todo el mundo, incluidos los Estados Unidos y Puerto Rico, e infundió un sentido de vulnerabilidad en la clase capitalista estadounidense.
Lucha negra inspira militancia puertorriqueña
Los puertorriqueños han emigrado a la ciudad de Nueva York y los condados circundantes desde mediados del siglo XIX, en la mayoría de los casos, para escapar de la persecución colonial española. Pero en los años posteriores a la Segunda Guerra Mundial y hasta bien entrada la década de 1960, los puertorriqueños migraron a los centros industriales de EE. UU., a una tasa promedio anual de 63,000 debido a las dificultades económicas causadas por el colonialismo de EE. UU. en Puerto Rico.
Lo que encontraron los migrantes puertorriqueños no fue lo que esperaban cuando se desarraigaron en busca de una vida mejor. Además de la agonía de tener que venir a una tierra extraña, la experiencia puertorriqueña ahora incluía propietarios racistas codiciosos, discriminación laboral y de vivienda, estigmatización cultural por parte de los medios de comunicación, brutalidad policial y el terror de las pandillas blancas racistas.
Si bien los puertorriqueños comenzaron su éxodo a fine de la década de 1940, los afroamericanos ya estaban involucrados en su “Gran Migración” desde los estados del sur donde históricamente se habían concentrado. Huyendo de las leyes racistas de Jim Crow y del terror del Ku Klux Klan, más de 5 millones de afroamericanos emigraron al norte, noreste y California entre las décadas de 1920 y 1960.
El instinto de cualquier pueblo oprimido es buscar aliados y encontrar formas de resistir. Los puertorriqueños que enfrentaban las realidades del colonialismo y el empobrecimiento podían relacionarse con el movimiento de derechos civiles y se sintieron atraídos por su audacia.
La Nación del Islam, integrada por afroamericanos de la religión islámica, comenzó a acercarse a los inmigrantes recién llegados con el objetivo de politizarlos. Y cuando el Partido Pantera Negracomenzó a organizarse en la comunidad puertorriqueña de Chicago, provocó la transformación de un grupo de jóvenes callejeros (“pandilla”) conocido como los Young Lords.
Los Young Lords fueron la primera organización revolucionaria puertorriqueña que surgió en los Estados Unidos a partir de las circunstancias políticas concretas de este país. Fueron un factor decisivo en la expansión de la militancia en las comunidades puertorriqueñas en varias ciudades de Estados Unidos. Al igual que los Panteras Negras, abogaron por una revolución multinacional en los Estados Unidos.
A medida que este movimiento ganaba impulso, los puertorriqueños adquirieron un sentido de esperanza y se sintieron inspirados para luchar por sus derechos políticos y económicos. Para la segunda mitad de la década de 1960, los puertorriqueños en los Estados Unidos se habían vuelto mucho más hábiles políticamente, gracias a las luchas de las masas afroamericanas.
Los afroamericanos y los puertorriqueños desarrollaron aún más su afinidad mutua basada en la resistencia a la opresión racista. En ciudades como Chicago, Filadelfia y Nueva York, en manifestaciones callejeras y en campus universitarios, las masas afroamericanas y puertorriqueñas se alinearon instintivamente entre sí en una lucha común. No era inusual que la bandera de liberación negra (roja, negra y verde) fuera acompañada por la bandera puertorriqueña.
Un ejemplo particularmente significativo de solidaridad, que se convirtió en una gran preocupación para la clase dominante, es la toma del City College en la ciudad de Nueva York por parte de los estudiantes en 1969. Los estudiantes afroamericanos y puertorriqueños captaron la atención de muchos en los EE. UU. cuando tomaron el control de los edificios del campus para exigir matrícula gratuita en el sistema universitario de la ciudad. Para demostrar aún más su audacia, estos estudiantes bajaron la bandera de los EE. UU. Del asta más alta e izaron la Bandera de la Liberación Negra y la Bandera de Puerto Rico. Era una imaginería de desafío y resistencia nunca antes vista en este país.
Las grandes lecciones aprendidas de esta experiencia siguen siendo profundamente relevantes hoy en día. La opresión negra fue fundamental en el surgimiento del capitalismo estadounidense, que los afroamericanos han enfrentado de frente en algunas de sus manifestaciones más opresivas. La lucha de liberación de las masas negras seguirá siendo una fuente de inspiración para todos los trabajadores y, en última instancia, será fundamental para forjar una unidad genuina.
El 22 de diciembre de 1895, los boricuas afiliados al Partido Revolucionario Cubano, aprobaron un diseño propuesto para la bandera de Puerto Rico en una reunión secreta celebrada en el Chimney Corner Hall de la ciudad de Nueva York. Al frente de este noble esfuerzo estaban los destacados Manuel Besosa, Antonio Vélez Alvarado y Juan de Mata Terreforte, un exiliado veterano del levantamiento del Grito De Lares de 1868. Entre los otros 59 asistentes también estuvo el reconocido literato y archivista de historia negra Arturo Schomburg.
Desde principios de 1800, la ciudad de Nueva York sirvió como refugio para los revolucionarios cubanos y puertorriqueños que estaban siendo buscados por las agencias represivas de España. Cuba y Puerto Rico fueron las colonias restantes de España, después de una serie de revoluciones exitosas por la independencia en América Latina. Madrid quería conservar su estatus de colonizador todo el tiempo que pudiera. No es de extrañar por qué la ciudad de Nueva York se convirtió en el lugar de nacimiento de las banderas cubana y puertorriqueña.
Los patriotas puertorriqueños optaron por invertir los colores de la bandera cubana, siguiendo la tradición de las “Dos alas del mismo pájaro”, metáfora poética de la legendaria literaria femenina Lola Rodríguez De Tío. Esta expresión metafórica fue utilizada más tarde en la interpretación musical del líder revolucionario cubano, José Martí. Los luchadores por la libertad de ambos países colaboraron durante siglos en una lucha mutua contra la tiranía española.
Muchos creen que la idea de invertir los colores de la bandera cubana se originó en Lola Rodríguez De Tío. Y comprensiblemente, Lola colaboró de cerca con los revolucionarios cubanos en el exilio cuando ella vivió en la ciudad de Nueva York.
Para los puertorriqueños, como todo los pueblos oprimido que lucha por construir una nación, la bandera representa muchas cosas. Es la única representación que nos obliga a expresar nuestras aspiraciones y sentimientos más profundos relacionados con la historia, la cultura y el patrimonio.
Veintisiete años antes de la reunión de Chimney Corner Hall, Ramón Emeterio Betances y otros líderes revolucionarios del levantamiento de El Grito De Lares de 1868 vieron la necesidad de crear tal símbolo para la recién establecida nación en lucha. El liderazgo de ese movimiento entendió bastante bien el papel que juega la espiritualidad en una feroz batalla por la liberación.
En colaboración con Betances, Mariana Bracetti Cuevas, quien también era costurera profesional, cosió a mano la primera bandera puertorriqueña. Ella armó una pancarta compuesta por dos cuadros rojos y dos azul turquesa, divididos por una cruz blanca (similar a la bandera dominicana) con una estrella blanca en la parte superior izquierda. Fue un homenaje al pueblo dominicano por permitir que los revolucionarios boricuas tuvieran una base en su país, y porque la madre de Betances también era dominicana.
En los años que siguieron al valiente intento de los insurrectos de Lares, el independentismo siguió existiendo en la clandestinidad, debido a un clima político desfavorable. Los mártires de Lares y sus partidarios fueron sistemáticamente encarcelados, torturados y brutalmente asesinados por las autoridades españolas. Puerto Rico estaba bajo las circunstancias más represivas, lo que obligó al movimiento a retirarse.
Muchos de los que sobrevivieron al ataque huyeron a Nueva York, mientras que otros fueron a Cuba para unirse a sus camaradas en la lucha por la liberación de su país. Entre estos valientes patriotas puertorriqueños estaba Juan Ruiz Rivera, quien alcanzaría el grado de general en el ejército revolucionario cubano.
A pesar de las difíciles circunstancias, el movimiento anticolonial en Puerto Rico poco a poco recuperó impulso. Además, fueron estas duras condiciones las que motivaron la reunión en Chimney Corner Hall y la creación de la actual bandera puertorriqueña.
El 24 de marzo de 1897 ondeó por primera vez la actual bandera de Puerto Rico en el municipio de Yauco, en un levantamiento conocido como “Intentona de Yauco”. Fue el último intento por independizarse del colonialismo español.
El levantamiento de la “Intentona de Yauco” de 1897.
Desde la Intentona de Yauco, la Bandera de Puerto Rico ha servido para inspirar el movimiento anticolonial en Puerto Rico, así como en las luchas de la diáspora puertorriqueña por los derechos civiles y contra toda forma de opresión brutal. Ha sido tradición que la bandera sea una inspiración en la batalla por la libertad y la justicia.
En 1977, activistas tomaron el control de la Estatua de la Libertad. Ellos desplegaron una enorme bandera para enfatizar su declaración exigiendo la liberación de los presos políticos nacionalistas.
El 5 de noviembre de 2000, Tito Kayak, colocó la bandera puertorriqueña en la corona de la Estatua de Libertad protestando el bombardeo de práctica por la Marina de los EE. UU. en Vieques, Puerto Rico.
La devastación causada por el huracán María en 2017, junto con la aplicación continua de la política colonial de los EE. UU., convirtió a la bandera en un símbolo de esperanza. El nacionalismo se convirtió en una fuerza crítica que proporcionó fortaleza moral al pueblo puertorriqueño en la resistencia en curso.
De hecho, las fuerzas destructivas de la Madre Naturaleza nunca pueden compararse con las actitudes de los funcionarios del gobierno de los Estados Unidos. Con su política de negligencia, los funcionarios estadounidenses contribuyeron a la pérdida de 4.645 vidas puertorriqueñas, un número de muertos que la administración Trump descaradamente cuestionó y trivializó. La criminalidad de la Ley Jones, combinada con los administradores de FEMA peligrosamente ineficaces, nos mostró (y al mundo) las políticas genocidas de los presidentes estadounidenses pasados y presentes, independientemente de su afiliación política.
Criminalización de la Bandera de Puerto Rico
Para colmo de males, después de que Estados Unidos invadiera y colonizara militarmente a Puerto Rico en 1898, los funcionarios estadounidenses desalentaron y estigmatizaron el uso de la bandera como algo malo. Pero fue durante la imposición de la Ley 53 de 1948, mejor conocida como Ley Mordaza, cualquier persona sorprendida mostrando o poseyendo la bandera puertorriqueña fue inmediatamente arrestada por las autoridades coloniales. Esta ley viciosa tenía como objetivo sofocar el apoyo masivo a la independencia, pero también se usó para perseguir al Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos y al Partido Nacionalista.
Sin órdenes judiciales, la policía colonial registró al azar hogares, escuelas, negocios y lugares de culto en busca de la “bandera de contrabando”. Gracias al espíritu de lucha nacionalista de las masas puertorriqueñas, los gobernantes estadounidenses se vieron obligados a eliminar esta ley.
En 1957, se eliminó la Ley 53 de 1948, así como la prohibición de la bandera puertorriqueña. Sin embargo, el azul turquesa original de la bandera fue reemplazado por el mismo azul oscuro de la bandera de los Estados Unidos, para causar psicológicamente un falso sentido de asimilación entre los puertorriqueños y los opresores extranjeros.
A la izquierda, la versión original aprobada por los revolucionarios en el Chimney Corner Hall de 1895 reunión en la ciudad de Nueva York. A la derecha la versión impuesta por el colonialismo estadounidense.
Cuando ondeemos la Bandera de Puerto Rico en eventos anuales, no lo hagamos en vano y terminemos dando por sentado este honor. Aquellos que continúan colonizándonos quieren asegurarse de que nuestros símbolos patrios no sean más que una moda pasajera. La bandera puertorriqueña fue concebida por los sacrificios de muchos que lucharon por la libertad de nuestro pueblo.
Por eso, en esta fecha, 22 de diciembre, celebramos la Bandera de Puerto Rico y saludamos la memoria de nuestros antepasados que lucharon valientemente por una noble causa. A pesar de todo lo que nos han hecho los gobernantes a través del racismo y los intentos de destruir nuestra identidad como pueblo, los boricuas seguimos levantando con orgullo nuestro máximo símbolo. QUE BONITA BANDERA!
A fines de la década de 1960 y principios de los 1970, los titulares de las noticias se centraron en un grupo de jóvenes puertorriqueños en la ciudad de Nueva York que utilizaron tácticas atrevidas y formas inusuales de protesta contra la opresión racista. Estos jóvenes rebeldes y militantes se hacían llamar los Young Lords.
Sus ejemplos, y el movimiento de masas del que surgieron, continúan inspirando a los jóvenes, especialmente hoy en día, cuando vemos una mayor prueba de que la única solución a la opresión es la organización y la lucha.
Los Young Lords se desarrollaron en Chicago durante la década de 1950. Estaban compuestos por estudiantes desempleados y jóvenes de la clase trabajadora, que se encontraban entre muchas organizaciones de jóvenes de la calle atacadas por la policía y demonizadas como “pandillas” por los medios de comunicación capitalista.
Estos jóvenes provenían de familias que se vieron obligadas a abandonar Puerto Rico entre las décadas de 1940 y 1960 como resultado de las dificultades económicas provocadas por el colonialismo estadounidense. Continuaron experimentando la opresión, pero bajo nuevas circunstancias sociales, ya que se convirtieron en víctimas de la explotación extrema en las fábricas, dueños codiciosos de vivienda en los barrios marginados, la brutalidad policial y la crueldad de las pandillas blancas racistas.
La migración puertorriqueña ocurrió durante los mismos años que surgió el movimiento de derechos civiles en los EEUU. Los inmigrantes puertorriqueños recién llegados se vieron impactados por los afroamericanos que también experimentó la naturaleza vil del racismo en este país desde la esclavitud. En muchos casos, los puertorriqueños se identificaron con las demandas del movimiento de Poder Negro (Black Power).
En 1966, se formó el Partido Pantera Negra (Black Panther Party, BPP). El líder de las panteras en Chicago, Fred Hampton, buscó politizar las organizaciones callejeras, particularmente la juventud puertorriqueña. Los esfuerzos del BPP tuvieron éxito cuando, en 1968, bajo el liderazgo de José Cha-Cha Jiménez, los Young Lords se convirtieron en una entidad política revolucionaria; luego se convirtieron en parte de una alianza fraternal conocida como la Alianza Arco Iris (Rainbow Coalition, sin relación con la posterior Coalición Rainbow/PUSH de Jessie Jackson), que también incluía a los Brown Berets, I Wor Kuen, Young Patriots y BPP.
Fred Hampton con líderes de la Rainbow Coalition. Young Lords: Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez, 2da a la derecha, Pablo “Yoruba” Guzman 2da. A la izquierda
El Partido Young Lords en Nueva York
El 26 de julio de 1969, los Young Lords hicieron su debut en la ciudad de Nueva York en la celebración del décimo aniversario de la Revolución Cubana celebrada en Tompkins Square Park en el Lower East Side (“Loisaida”). Los Young Lords admiraron y apoyaron la Revolución Cubana, encabezada por Fidel Castro Ruz, Camilo Cienfuego, Celia Sanchez, Vilma Espin, Ernesto Che Guevara y Raul Castro. Dos meses después, los Young Lords abrieron una oficina en Madison Avenue en East Harlem, la comunidad Boricua conocida como “El Barrio”.
Durante muchos años, las personas negras y latinas se quejaron de la doble moral del Departamento de Manejo de Desperdicios Sólidos de Nueva York en la recolección de basura. Las áreas blancas y prósperas recibieron servicios adecuados con recogidas regulares de basura, mientras que los vecindarios negros y puertorriqueños quedaron en condiciones insalubres.
En el verano de 1969, los Young Lords de Nueva York comenzaron a barrer las calles y a acumular grandes montones de basura que molestaban a la comunidad de East Harlem. Mucha gente se preguntaba qué estaban haciendo los jóvenes, aparentemente “buenos samaritanos”. Pero el misterio no duró mucho.
En agosto de 1969, los Young Lords utilizaron la basura que habían recolectado como medio para ejecutar una ofensiva política con tácticas militares. Toneladas de basura fueron arrojadas e incendiadas en las principales arterias de Manhattan para interrumpir el tráfico, incluso en la próspera Quinta Avenida. El YLP exigió el fin de las políticas municipales racistas de la ciudad de Nueva York sobre el manejo de desperdicios sólidos. En los barrios donde se lanzó la “ofensiva de la basura”, los Young Lords galvanizaron el apoyo de la comunidad; muchos se unieron a la organización.
Los ataques de los medios de comunicación a; YLP solo trabajaron a su favor. En cuestión de meses, aparecieron capítulos del YLP en Filadelfia, Bridgeport, Jersey City, Boston y Milwaukee, ciudades con concentraciones notables de puertorriqueños. Aunque compuesta principalmente por puertorriqueños, la organización también permitió que miembros de otras nacionalidades oprimidas se unieran.
El YLP tenía una estructura de tipo militar con un proceso de reclutamiento y reglas de disciplina que se aplicaban estrictamente. El YLP creía que para derrotar a un enemigo política y militarmente sofisticado, las personas oprimidas tenían que prepararse para su liberación desarrollando una mayor sofisticación.
El Partido Young Lords funcionó con una disciplina tipo militar.
En los años posteriores a la Ofensiva Basura, los Young Lords participaron en numerosas campañas que involucraron acciones audaces y llamaron la atención. Un ejemplo fue la toma física de la Primera Iglesia Metodista Hispana en la Calle 111 en El Barrio. Los Young Lords habían suplicado repetidamente a los feligreses por espacio para alimentar a los niños hambrientos, pero fue en vano. Esta iglesia estuvo cerrada durante toda la semana y solo abrió durante unas pocas horas para el culto de una congregación que en su mayoría vivía fuera de la ciudad.
Respaldados por el sentimiento de la comunidad, los Young Lords ingresaron a la iglesia durante un culto dominical y expulsaron a la congregación. Usando la iglesia como base, los Young Lords operaron un servicio gratuito de cuidado de niños, un programa de desayuno y una clínica legal. También se brindaron servicios médicos.
Las enfermedades y la atención médica deficiente han sido durante mucho tiempo un problema en la comunidad puertorriqueña. Otras acciones tomadas por el YLP incluyeron la incautación de un camión de prueba de tuberculosis sin usar, equipado con tecnología de rayos X. Después de que se incautó el camión, la ciudad se vio obligada a proporcionar técnicos para hacer funcionar la máquina. Luego, el camión fue llevado a East Harlem, donde muchas personas fueron examinadas para detectar la enfermedad pulmonar.
Los Young Lords exigieron que el Hospital Lincoln, que servía a la gente del sur del Bronx, ampliara sus servicios. Debido a que esta instalación se originó a mediados de 1800 – cuando trataba incluso a los esclavos fugitivos del Sur – sus instalaciones estaban obsoletas y no satisfacían las necesidades actuales de la gente. Una plaga de ratas y cucarachas en el hospital exacerbó aún más las deplorables condiciones.
En las primeras horas de la mañana del 14 de julio de 1970, unos 100 miembros del YLP tomaron audazmente el control del Hospital Lincoln. Durante 12 horas, los Young Lords y los profesionales médicos progresistas del Movimiento de Unidad Revolucionaria de la Salud brindaron servicios médicos gratuitos a la gente de la comunidad. El moderno Lincoln Hospital de hoy, con sus nuevas instalaciones, es el resultado de una lucha comunitaria en la que los Young Lords estuvieron a la cabeza.
Los Young Lords realizaron muchas manifestaciones que condujeron a la ocupación del Hospital Lincoln.
La Organización Revolucionaria de Trabajadores Puertorriqueñ@
En el verano de 1972, el YLP celebró su Primer Congreso del Partido (y el último) en la ciudad de Nueva York. El evento destacó una nueva energía y dirección para la organización. En ese momento, la membresía votó para cambiar el nombre de Young Lords Party a Organización Revolucionaria de Trabajadores de Puerto Rico (PRRWO). Además, los cambios solidificaron el marxismo-leninismo como premisa ideológica y política de la entidad.
Independientemente de cómo se pueda ver esta etapa en el desarrollo de la organización, muchas cosas demostraron ser ciertas años después: El YLP/PRRWO estaba pasando por un proceso de deterioro que sus miembros no veían. Los intentos de rejuvenecer su existencia con una nueva línea de marcha en el Congreso de 1972 llegaron un poco tarde. Tomar una decisión errónea de establecer capítulos en Puerto Rico, perdiendo su base de apoyo masivo en la comunidad en la diáspora, agravada por las hostilidades internas instigadas por las actividades de COINTELPRO, finalmente selló la muerte de la otrora poderosa organización.
El Frente Unido
Una de las áreas de trabajo de Young Lords/PRRWO de las que menos se habló fue la relación de colaboración que tenía con otras organizaciones que también forman parte del movimiento de liberación nacional de Puerto Rico en los Estados Unidos. Estas organizaciones fueron el Partido Socialista Puertorriqueño (PSP), El Comité-MINP, Resistencia Puertorriqueña, el Sindicato de Estudiantes Puertorriqueños (PRSU) y los Young Lords.
Gran parte del trabajo colaborativo que estos grupos realizaron en conjunto se centró en temas candentes en Puerto Rico, como la lucha para poner fin a los bombardeos de práctica del ejército de los EE. UU. en la isla de Culebra. Otro de los temas que impulsó el trabajo conjunto fue el reclamo por la liberación de los presos políticos puertorriqueños, como Carlos Feliciano, Edwardo “Pancho” Cruz y los 5 Nacionalistas Puertorriqueños.
Otras acciones en las que se comprometió El Frente Unido fueron las manifestaciones de protesta contra las injusticias cometidas contra los puertorriqueños y oponerse a la guerra de Estados Unidos en Vietnam. De hecho, se cometieron graves errores de naturaleza sectaria que finalmente hicieron que la coalición fuera vulnerable a las tácticas de divide y vencerás de la Operación COINTELPRO. Sin embargo, los intentos de El Frente Unido dotaron a la lucha puertorriqueña de una rica experiencia en beneficio de la lucha de largo alcance por la liberación nacional.
La ideología del YLP
El YLP elaboró un Programa de 13 Puntos que esbozaba los objetivos políticos del grupo. Incluyó la independencia de Puerto Rico, así como la liberación de todos los latinos y otras personas oprimidas, como los palestinos. Los Young Lords defendieron la lucha contra la opresión de las mujeres y finalmente expresaron su apoyo a los derechos de las personas LGBTQ.
Estos jóvenes revolucionarios creían que el poder del pueblo acabaría superando al poder de los opresores. Con ese espíritu, el YLP creía en el derecho a la autodefensa armada. Esto se hizo evidente en las acciones que tomaron mientras patrullaban las calles en las áreas que organizaron. Cada vez que los Young Lords veían a la policía arrestar a los residentes de la comunidad, intervenían para confrontar a los policías racistas y, a menudo, liberaban a los prisioneros.
Al final del año 1970, el miembro de YLP Julio Roldan, quien había sido arrestado en una manifestación en el Bronx y estaba pendiente de procesamiento, fue encontrado ahorcado en su celda en la prisión “Las Tumbas” en el bajo Manhattan. Durante esa época, muchos prisioneros fueron encontrados misteriosamente muertos en sus celdas, pero los funcionarios de la prisión siempre los etiquetaron como “suicidas”.
Los Young Lords respondieron a la muerte de Roldan con militancia, acusando al estado de asesinato. Después de una procesión con el ataúd de Roldán por el este de Harlem, el YLP regresó a la Primera Iglesia Metodista Hispana, que habían incautado un año antes, pero esta vez llegaron armados con escopetas y armas automáticas. Exigieron una investigación sobre la muerte de Roldán. El apoyo profundamente arraigado de la comunidad a los Young Lords evitó un tiroteo, ya que los funcionarios del gobierno sabían que habría enormes consecuencias políticas si iniciaban un ataque policial. Los Young Lords ocuparon la iglesia durante tres meses.
Los Young Lords respondieron con las armas a la muerte de Julio Roldán.
Hay muchos ejemplos de heroísmo entre estos jóvenes revolucionarios, no solo en Nueva York o Chicago, sino también en capítulos formados en otras ciudades donde el pueblo puertorriqueño se levantó en lucha.
Las Mujeres de los Young Lords
Al igual como todos los movimientos de importancia, fueron las mujeres de los Young Lords las que sirvieron como la columna vertebral política y el espíritu de la organización. En el apogeo del desarrollo del YLP, las mujeres constituían al menos el 40 por ciento de los miembros de la organización. Su nobleza y valiente liderazgo entre las filas fue más que ejemplar.
Sin embargo, el respeto y la aceptación de sus roles como líderes encontraron resistencia y obstáculos, a menudo arraigados en las tradiciones opresivas del dominio masculino. Pero las hermanas se mantuvieron firmes y formaron el Colectivo de Mujeres, un vehículo organizativo interno para permitir lanzar la necesaria lucha contra el sexismo dentro del YLP.
Sin embargo, a pesar de muchas batallas internas, estas hermanas utilizaron la persuasión de la política y la educación para sacar adelante a toda la entidad. Tenemos una deuda de profunda gratitud con todas estas mujeres.
Como resultado de su determinación y trabajo, numerosos grupos de mujeres de movimientos internacionales las reconocieron por sus aportes contra el capitalismo y sus múltiples formas de opresión.
Las mujeres del los Young Lords eran la espina dorsal y alma de la organización.
Los Young Lords eran jóvenes socialistas
Vergonzosamente, debido a que los Young Lords originales ya no existen, las interpretaciones diluidas, no revolucionarias y oportunistas de esa historia persisten hoy.
El YLP denunció abiertamente el sistema capitalista y llamó a una sociedad socialista; gravitaron cada vez más hacia los ideales del marxismo. La organización tenía estudio obligatorio de literatura marxista-revolucionaria, como el “Libro Rojo” de Mao Tse Tung, El Manifiesto Comunista de Marx y Engels, Los Condenados de la Tierra de Frantz Fanon, entre otras obras.
El revisionismo histórico actualmente describe a los Young Lords y otros grupos de primera línea de los años 60 y 70 como inofensivos para el sistema capitalista e irrelevantes para la lucha actual por el socialismo. En otras palabras, a pesar de las versiones históricas de los autores que buscan la aprobación de las editoriales de la corriente principal, los Young Lords fueron fundamentalmente revolucionarios que buscaron romper el orden social, económico y político actual.
Contenidos de este folleto disponibles en línea. Enlace debajo.
Independientemente de lo que se pueda argumentar, los Young Lords pidieron abiertamente la destrucción del capitalismo y el establecimiento del socialismo en los Estados Unidos. Esto queda indiscutiblemente claro en el “Programa y plataforma de 13 puntos” del YLP, así como en el folleto titulado “La ideología del partido Young Lords“.
Los Young Lords, como el Partido Pantera Negra, intentaron construir una organización altamente disciplinada. Entendieron que sin la sofisticación organizativa de un partido de vanguardia, la revolución es imposible. Es precisamente esta lección la que los revolucionarios de hoy deben adoptar y emular para realizar la futura victoria del socialismo.
¡VIVA EL EJEMPLO REVOLUCIONARIO DE LOS YOUNG LORDS!
Born on September 19, 1922, in Selina, Puerto Rico, Evelina Antonetty became an exemplary community activist in the way she confronted oppression with resilience, courage, and defiance. Antonetty was unique by demonstrating the best of women throughout the history of the Puerto Rican diaspora.
Evelina Antonetty’s life was centered around fighting for civil and human rights. She advocated for community control of schools, police, and all institutions. Evelina prioritized fighting for the well-being and future of children. And because Evelina’s vision involved the right to self-determination of her people, as a proud Boricua she defended the struggle for Puerto Rico’s independence.
Lolita Lebron and Evelina Antonetty
This warrior of the oppressed was called by various names of endearment in a community that loved her. However, because of her unrelenting commitment to working class people the racist New York Police Department (NYPD) described her as “Hell Lady of the Bronx”.
Her commitment to the struggle for justice and equality came about due to very good reasons – her own personal experiences with the horrors of oppression.
Evelina Antonetty’s name is famous today because she was loved by the community she fought for.
When she was just 10 years old, Evelina’s mother, a single parent, was compelled by poverty desperation to send her to New York City to live with an aunt. Extreme economic hardship prevailed throughout Puerto Rico. The Great Depression was even harsher in the setting of U.S. colonial dominance.
While living in El Barrio (East Harlem) during her teenage years Evelina developed a sense for community activism when she worked for the radical/socialist Congressman Vito Marcantonio. Evelina was also mentored by the Afro-Boricua author/poet and socialist labor leader Jesús Colón. She worked for Colón at the socialist influenced labor union District 65.
In October 2022, I painted a canvas portrait of Evelina Antonetty to honor her legacy. It was given as a gift to Evelina’s daughter, Anita Antonetty.
During the Civil Rights movement Evelina Antonetty played an important role as an unofficial representing link to the Puerto Rican community. She developed a good friendship with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and earned the respect of other prominent Civil Rights leaders.
Evelina Antonetty was so in tune and willingly drawn by the events of the 1960’s-70’s mass upsurge that she became enthused by the Young Lords, with whom she became a good friend and close ally. In some cases, she personally mentored members of the Young Lords, specifically the women.
The most notable of her many accomplishments was based on children’s right to education. Antonetty was an organizer who is credited for the 1965 creation of United Bronx Parents. She is also known for her monumental achievement, the creation of the first bi-lingual school in the United States.
Evelina Antonetty with other members of United Bronx Parents.
Evelina is also remembered for being among the many militant voices on the streets opposing the filming of the racist Hollywood movie titled “Fort Apache”, which depicted Black and Latino people with disdain.
Evelina Antonetty’s name is famous today because she was adored by the Puerto Rican community of the Bronx and the diaspora everywhere for her militant disposition and vision of a better world. With the hardships and intensity of oppression that exist today we should all emulate Evelina’s militant qualities to build a new people’s movement. Her examples continue to serve as pillars of Puerto Rican fighting traditions.
Born in Arecibo, Puerto Rico, Luisa Capetillo (October 28, 1879-October 10, 1922) was a warrior woman who made history in the struggle against women’s oppression. She was an advocate for Puerto Rico’s Independence who became one of the most famous labor leaders in the history of that colonized nation. She was also a writer, poet, a feminist, political activist, a socialist, and more specifically an anarchist.
There is so much to be told about Luisa Capetillo’s exceptional life and her numerous contributions to our history. At a young age, she became acquainted with Socialist literature which defined who she would be for the rest of her life.
Luisa Capetillo lived at a time in history when the world became engulfed in workers struggles. Labor strikes erupted everywhere as the fight for the eight-hour day, equal pay for women and the right to organize unions took centerstage in most countries.
Artwork by Vagabond Alexander Beaumont
The working class and poor peasants rose to the occasion in bitter struggles against the avaricious capitalist class. This historical current was accentuated with the 1917 Russian Socialist Revolution and the 1910-20 Mexican Agrarian Revolution.
In the colonial setting of Puerto Rico capitalist exploitation was no different, and so too was the instinct of Puerto Rican workers to rebel. Throughout Puerto Rico workers sought ways to resist the harsh conditions they faced being doubly exploited by foreign corporations under U.S. colonial domination.
Luisa Capetillo was a single mother who worked as a reader. Her job involved going to different cigar making factories to read out loud newspaper articles and short stories to tobacco workers as they sat performing their labor.
A depiction of Luisa Capetillo reading stories and newspaper articles to tobacco workers.
During the rise of the women’s suffrage struggle in Puerto Rico, Luisa was very active as an organizer. However, Luisa’s views differed sharply from others concerning the solution to stop the oppression of women. She believed that the fight for women’s emancipation was inseparable and intertwined with the class struggle.
A Portrait I made of Luisa Capetillo in September 2021. Dimensions: 24″ X 30″, painted with acrylic paint on canvas
As a leader in the Federation of Tobaco Rollers (Federacion de Torcedores de Tabaco) and the Free Libertarian Federation of Puerto Rican Workers (Federacion Libre de Trabajadores de Puerto Rico), Luisa traveled throughout Puerto Rico challenging the inhumane conditions of workers – especially for women. As a labor organizer, Luisa fought for workers’ rights and equal pay for women in the Tobacco industry. She wrote many articles in union newspapers that were circulated throughout Puerto Rico.
Capetillo believed that her activities would usher in a better world. As a result of this conviction, she aspired to build an all-Caribbean labor organization. As part of this endeavor she travelled to New York, Tampa, Cuba, Dominican Republic and other locations.
Luisa Capetillo is perhaps most known for challenging backward traditions of gender and clothing. These absurd traditions were ingrained in Latin American culture by the Roman Catholic Church. Luisa preferred wearing men’s pants for comfort and as a statement of protest to women’s oppression.
Luisa Capetillo dressed to challenge backward traditions.
In 1915, while walking the streets of Havana, Cuba, she was arrested for her choice of garment. Her defiance was widely felt when she ridiculed the logic of her arrest, by proving in court that no laws were broken because of her clothing preference. As a result, the case was dismissed and Capetillo was characterized by the press throughout the Caribbean as the “Puerto Rican Joan of Arc”.
Today, Luisa Capetillo is remembered for her literary contributions and courageousness as a labor organizer defending the rights of Puerto Rican women.
carlitoboricua 